The Filipino Community
The following is an independent student report, not directly produced by The Leavey Center for the Study of Los Angeles.
May 15, 2003
Mr. Paul Dia
The Filipino Community in the greater Los Angeles Area
FILIPINOS
HAVE been part of the greater Los Angeles landscape since the early
1900s. Since then, a number of Filipino enclaves have developed
throughout the Southern California region. As decades progressed, the
members of the Filipino community who have chosen to make the greater
Los Angeles area their home showed a trend of gravitating towards
Filipino enclaves. In the past decade, however, there has been a
pattern of Filipino population decline within the same enclaves and a
move towards newer and multiethnic enclaves.
Brief Look at the Filipino Community in Southern California
Though
most of the Filipinos living in Southern California today made their
residence in the United States after the Immigration Act of 1965,
immigrants from the Philippines established settlements in the region
decades before. A 1924 immigration law prohibited any immigration from
Asian countries. Since the Philippines was U.S. territory, however,
immigration to the United States was not restricted for Filipinos.
Between the years of 1924 and 1934, an additional law restricted the
number of Filipinos who could enter the States to 50 per year. The
first substantial wave of Filipinos settled in Los Angeles in the
1920s. By the first quarter of the 20th century, a small Filipino
enclave was developing in the impoverished Downtown area, between Main
and Los Angeles Streets. Due to racially restrictive covenants and
discrimination, this was the only area in Los Angeles that the rental
market allowed them to rent at that time. As time progressed, however,
Filipinos began to leave that area and move north towards Sunset
Boulevard and northwest towards Temple and Alvarado Streets. By the
1940s, new U.S. laws helped improve the assimilation of Filipinos into
American society. Laws prohibiting interracial marriage with whites
were overturned and the U.S. Supreme Court declared "the restrictive
covenants on property deeds that had legally prohibited homeowners from
selling or renting to people who were not white" unenforceable (Allen +
Turner 1997, 146). Though more new housing was being built in the city
at that time, Filipinos who wished to buy houses still faced opposition
from some owners who were reluctant to sell property to them. Since the
turn of the century, immigration from the Philippines has been low, yet
steady. Immigration from Asian countries was low in comparison to that
from Western nations, until U.S. immigration policies were changed in
the 1960s.
The Immigration Act of 1965 widened the door for
immigration from Asian countries like the Philippines. The Amendments
to the Immigration and Nationality Act nullified a system of quotas
favoring Western countries and established a limit of 20,000 immigrants
per year for each country in the Eastern Hemisphere (Allen + Turner
1997, 38). The law favored relatives of Asians who already lived in the
United States, allowing them to be the primary Asians eligible for
application for entry into America. With a growing economy in Southern
California and the changes in immigration law, the number of Asians in
the Los Angeles region multiplied over the years following 1965.
As
the number of Filipinos in Los Angeles grew, Filipino predominant
areas, or enclaves, developed. One of the oldest enclaves in the City
of Los Angeles is the district that is now known as "Historic
Filipinotown." Filipinos began to make a more visible presence in the
area just before the 1950s when they were poorer and restricted from
renting elsewhere. The population of Filipinos in the area increased in
the early 1960s as Filipino residents of Bunker Hill were evicted to
make way for upscale office, bank and hotel developments. By the 1970s,
newly arrived Filipino professionals were settling the area. Filipino
organizations and establishments catering to the increasing Filipino
population, such as Luzon Plaza, also sprung up. The Temple-Alvarado
area, however, was not the only region in Southern California that
became visible and known as a Filipino enclave.
With the help of
the United States Navy, large concentrations of Filipinos also
developed in West Long Beach and Oxnard. Young Filipino men, who
enlisted in the U.S. Navy since the beginning of the 20th century,
viewed the Navy as a way to improve their position and technical
expertise. They also saw it as a means to quick U.S. citizenship for
themselves and entry for their close relatives as U.S. permanent
residents. The primary Filipino enclave connected to enlistment in the
U.S. Navy is in West Long Beach. According to The Ethnic Quilt, a few
hundred Filipinos were recorded to have lived in the same area in the
1940 census. It is not clear, however, whether or not these Filipinos
lived close to the harbor as cannery workers or Navy personnel. During
the 1950s and 1960s, the number of Filipino U.S. Navy personnel
stationed in Long Beach grew. Another location that has a large
Filipino population with ties to the U.S. military is Oxnard in Ventura
County. The Filipinos stationed in that area are connected to either
the Point Mugu Naval Air Station or the Construction Battalion center
in Port Hueneme. By the end of the 20th century, however, the Filipino
population connection to the U.S. military has waned as more Filipinos,
not directly related to the U.S. Navy, have begun to immigrate to the
States and into the same enclaves.
A Closer Look at Historic Filipinotown
One
of the oldest Filipino enclaves in the City of Los Angeles can be found
in an area near the W. Temple St. and S. Alvarado St. intersection. On
August 2, 2002, a dedication ceremony was held upon the unanimous
approval by the Los Angeles City Council for the designation of this
area as "Historic Filipinotown."
Historic
Filipinotown is situated in a multi-ethnic area northwest of Downtown
L.A. This area is bounded by U.S. Highway 101 to the north, Glendale
Blvd. to the east, Beverly Blvd. to the south and Hoover St. to the
west (Figure 1). It stretches approximately 1.5 miles from east to west
and 0.5 miles from north to south.
Figure 1 Boundaries of Historic Filipinotown
Due
to its close proximity to the downtown area, many who work in Downtown
L.A. and live in the surrounding communities to the north and to the
west, such as Glendale, Silver Lake and Hollywood, have to drive
through Historic Filipinotown on a daily basis. As a result, many
businesses and restaurants can be found on or around the three major
arteries of the area — Temple St., Beverly Blvd., and Alvarado St. The
residential areas, which lie between the heavily traveled roads, are
populated by a combination of single-family houses, duplexes, low-rise
condominiums and townhouses. A majority of which were built prior to
1950 and are aging, in need of maintenance and repair.
A Drive Through Historic Filipinotown
Driving
through the major arteries of Historic Filipinotown, one can see the
commercial vitality of the area and can get a feel for the different
ethnic groups that are predominant there. Heading south on Glendale
Blvd., just past Echo Park, we drive under the 101 Highway overpass and
come upon the Temple St. and Glendale Blvd. intersection. To the right,
on the northwest corner is a Chevron gasoline station. It is one of two
gas stations that used to service that intersection. The gas station
that used to be located on the southwest corner is now an empty lot. To
left, on the northeast corner, are tennis courts, where Filipinos are
known to occupy most, if not all courts on the weekends, especially
during the morning and afternoon hours. Continuing south, we pass by a
few auto shops and come to the end of the main portion of Glendale
Blvd. and reach the point where the old, concrete 1st St. bridges
connect to Beverly Boulevard (Figure 2).
Figure 2 1st St. Bridge (a downtown skyscraper in background)
Figure 3 Shot of Downtown LA’s Skyline from Atop the 1st St. Bridge
Just
to the east of the bridges on 1st St., sits the troubled Belmont
Learning Center. Turning right and heading west on Beverly Blvd., we
drive up a rather steep incline — to the left (south) is the Belmont
High School campus and to the right is the United Firefighters of Los
Angeles City headquarters. Continuing west, towards Union Ave., we come
upon a Filipino mural to the left (Figure 4).
Figure 4 Filipino Mural Along Beverly Blvd.
To the right, north on Union Ave., is the fairly large Our
Lady of Loretto parish (Figure 5) and elementary school (Figure 6), the
closest parish to the sparkling new Cathedral of Our Lady of the Angels
in Downtown L.A.
Figure 5 Our Lady of Loretto Church
Figure 6 Our Lady of Loretto Elementary School
Back at the
intersection of Union and Beverly, is a small Filipino restaurant on
the southwest corner, Little Ongpin. A couple years ago, a driver lost
control of his/her car and inadvertently drove into the restaurant one
afternoon. Thankfully, no pedestrians on the sidewalk or patrons inside
the restaurant were struck. Still heading west, we come upon Alvarado
St. To the right, is a gas station on one corner, and a medical clinic
housing several doctors and a pharmacy on the other. To the left, on
the southwest corner is a plaza with a few stores including a
Winchell’s donut shop (Figure 7).
Figure 7 Intersection of Beverly Blvd. and Alvarado St.
Just
to the south of that intersection, at the next major intersection (3rd
St. and Alvarado), is St. Vincent Hospital. Continuing west, we begin
to see less of a Filipino presence and more of a Latino flavor. Before
the next major intersection, on the left hand side, sits a one-story
building that used to house a Filipino nightclub. Approaching Rampart
Blvd., we see the "World Famous Tommy’s Burgers" stand to the right. On
the opposite corner is a Taco Bell. Further west on Beverly are a few
Ranch markets (Figure 8) and several other small shops.
Figure 8 One of Several Ranch Markets in the Area
Turning
right on Rampart, heading north, we head to back to Temple St. Just
north of the intersection is an on-ramp to the 101 South. To the left
is a Mobil gas station and the next block over sits the infamous
L.A.P.D. Rampart police station. In a comment about the local precinct,
a resident within the area said, "I find it hard to trust the local
LAPD due to the scandals with some of the officers from the Rampart
precinct that were exposed. I don’t know if you’ll be calling the
proper peace officers when you call the police." Also at the
intersection, are a few restaurants and businesses such as a Pizza Hut,
a Chinatown Express, and a closed-door pharmacy that primarily supplies
medication to hospitals and convalescent homes. Making right-hand turn,
we head east on Temple. At this point we can definitely see the meshing
of the Latino and Filipino populations. On the right hand side, are a
few Filipino businesses including two restaurants — Nanay Gloria and
Bahay Kubo — and a small Filipino market. In between these
establishments however, are Latino establishments such as a Ranch
market. To the left, along Temple, is Rosemont Elementary School.
According to The Ethnic Quilt, there is a wall mural across from the
school that was created by "about twenty young Filipino Americans" that
"dramatizes the choices between a good life and a bad one that today’s
youth must make." The mural, could not be seen, however, as we drove
by. Traveling further east on Temple, we come upon Alvarado St. Many
years ago, there used to be four different gas stations on each corner
of the intersection. Today, only two remain, one Shell and one Arco
station. About 10 years ago, a McDonalds opened up on the northwest
corner that a gas station vacated. The southwest corner was also a site
that was left undeveloped for a very long period of time since the gas
station there went out of business. Not too long ago, however, new
buildings have been springing up on and near to that corner, including
a few apartments and an El Pollo Loco that just opened last week. This
intersection was also the site of a horrifying accident about a decade
ago. One afternoon, as a school bus full of children was eastbound on
Temple, across from the McDonalds, a part protruding from a westbound
city garbage truck that had suffered a mechanical failure, tore through
the left side of the bus, injuring numerous children. Such a memory is
emblazoned into the minds of those familiar with the area. Continuing
east, we approach Bonnie Brae St. To the left is the Filipino owned
Luzon Plaza and Ramos Villages (Figure 9). To the right is a Carnation
factory from which sweet, warm aromas radiate.
Figure 9 Luzon Plaza and Ramos Villages
Further
on east, heading back towards Glendale Blvd., is a hospital (formerly
known as Cigna) on the left-hand side. On the hospital’s gates, by the
sidewalk, are Spanish advertisement banners from the hospital. Across
the street, to the right, is "the oldest ethnic organization," the
Filipino American Community of Los Angeles and continues to function as
a social-service center. Past the center, also on the right-hand side
is a bright green building that formerly housed a Chinese ran market
called BCD Market. The Chinese family that ran the market moved away to
Alhambra a few years ago. The building now is home to a Latino managed
business. Driving down the hill on Temple, more Latino owned business
could be seen on the both sides of the streets.
Though the area
has been designated as Historic Filipinotown, it is predominantly
Latino, where Filipinos "constitute only about a fifth of the
population" (Allen 146). Despite its boundaries, numerous other
Filipino restaurants and businesses can be found surrounding Historic
Filipinotown such as Goldilocks Bakery on Vermont Ave.
Historic Filipinotown Census Indicators
There
are several census tracts that make up Historic Filipinotown. The five
tracts that are analyzed in Table 1 are 1958.02, 2084, 2085, 2086.10
and 2086.20. Although the area is bordered by Glendale Blvd., Beverly
Blvd., Hoover St. and the U.S. 101 Highway, the census tracts spillover
into the surrounding blocks of Historic Filipinotown.
The data
from the census supports the predominantly Latino cues that can be seen
throughout Historic Filipinotown. Compared to the population of the
entire United States, where the Latino population is only 12.5%, the
Latino population of the area is approximately 60%. The White
population of the area is a mere 4%. The Asian population at 30%, while
greater than the White population, is still significantly less than
that of the Latino.
Another characteristic of the area is the
higher majority of renters who occupy the housing available in Historic
Filipinotown. The percent of owner occupied housing units in the five
census tracts is only about 10%, compared to the national figure of
66%. The percent of renter occupied housing units in the area is a
whopping 90%, compared to the city’s figure of 61% and the nation’s
value of 33%. Such housing characteristics certainly reflect the visual
contrast of Historic Filipinotown (Figure 10) to other districts in the
Greater Los Angeles area such as Hancock Park (Figure 11) and Alhambra.
Figure 10 Housing in Historic Filipinotown
Figure 11 Housing in Hancock Park
Historic Filipinotown — A Community in Development
From
a political and community planning standpoint, Historic Filipinotown
resides within LA’s Thirteenth District, represented by Councilmember
Eric Garcetti. It lies right in the middle of, and even divided by, the
two larger neighboring communities of Westlake and Silver Lake-Echo
Park. It is also a mixed-use area comprised of commercial areas and
high density, single-family residential neighborhoods.
The key
players in Historic Filipinotown are LA Councilmember Eric Garcetti,
the Historic Filipinotown Chamber of Commerce, and the local businesses
and homeowners. Eric Garcetti, who lives in Echo Park, represents a
number of other communities within the Thirteenth District such as
Silver Lake, Echo Park and Atwater Village. Through LA Council’s
Thirteenth District, a four-month planning process was initiated to
explore the possible impact the designation of Historic Filipinotown
could have on the community. As a result of the designation in August
of 2002, the Historic Filipinotown Chamber of Commerce (HFCC) was
formed to address the issues pertinent to the vitality and growth of
the community.
Chito Tenza, Field Deputy of Eric Garcetti, heads
the HFCC office, which is located on Beverly Blvd. According to Chito
Tenza, the HFCC "‘was organized to advance the general welfare and
prosperity of the newly designated Historic Filipinotown community,
specifically to promote economic, civic, commercial, cultural,
industrial, and educational interests and common wealth of local
residents, business owners, and other stakeholders. It will also serve
as a forum to provide guidance and valuable contacts for business
opportunities in Historic Filipinotown’" (Weekend Balita).
The
stakes within the community encompass economic, concrete and even
abstract gains. Upon receiving the city designation, Historic
Filipinotown community leaders identified "economic development,
streetscape, and Filipino American history and culture as the three
major interests in planning for the future of this neighborhood." The
report set fourth by the four month planning process initiated by the
Thirteenth District listed the existing community needs and concerns,
which included affordable housing, unity among citizens, personal
safety and the strengthening of organizational relationships. Community
plans drawn up for Historic Filipinotown also impact the community
plans of Westlake and Silver Lake-Echo Park. As a result, Historic
Filipinotown must compete with these other localities for services and
benefits while avoiding any conflict with their larger community plans.
With a proper plan, the HFCC can bring about economic growth to the
community by attracting and maintaining businesses that offer services
and products to the multi-ethnic population.
Although the area
is known as one of the oldest Filipino enclaves in the City of Los
Angeles and is now referred to as "Historic Filipinotown," the
predominant ethnic community in the area is still Latino. As a result
of the ethnic makeup of the area, "strategies for business development
must be inclusive of all ethnicities and sensitive to the interests of
all community members in order to be truly successful and beneficial
for the community as a whole." The strategies for business development
in the community are also based on the players and the stakes they hold
in the area. The HFCC along with the Thirteenth District Office, the
two largest players in the community, must take into account the
housing stock and other assets within the area. The neighborhood’s
assets include several retail stores, medical and educational
facilities, and a few public facilities. Since its inception, HFCC has
been taking a proactive approach to increasing community involvement in
the community’s redevelopment process. Their activities include monthly
luncheons and mixers, seminars and workshops, member opportunity
receptions, and even annual sports events. Membership to the HFCC is
open to "any individual, company or entity that plans to do business in
the community or to support the Historic Filipinotown Chamber of
Commerce." The HFCC plans to hold meetings with the local business
owners and with representatives of different government agencies to
discuss issues "regarding incentives, policies, guidelines and
assistance available to help local business owners." The other issues
the HFCC plans on discussing with the business owners and government
agencies include "gangs, drug pushers, homelessness, and other factors
that affect peace and order and the viability of business in the
service area." They also want to meet with officials from the
Philippine government "to explore the possibility of encouraging firms
in the Philippines to come to and set up their business in Historic
Filipinotown."
Aside from the local businesses, the community
must also take into consideration the existing housing stock,
demographics and zoning ordinances set forth by the city as they
pertain to open space, housing, safety, population density and the
distribution of land uses within the area.
A portion of Historic
Filipinotown has also been designated as a Renewal Community. As a
result of this title, Historic Filipinotown is eligible to receive
regulatory relief and tax breaks from January 1, 2002 to December 31,
2009. The area west of Union Ave. and east of Alvarado St. was the only
portion of the area to be designated as a Renewal Community. Mr. Selso
Santiago, a homeowner within the Historic Filipinotown area, was not
aware of the designation and said "It’s inappropriate and even unfair
that only a part of Historic Filipinotown received that designation."
Decline of Other Filipino Enclaves within Southern California
Despite
the redevelopment of the Historic Filipinotown area, similar Filipino
enclaves that sprung up in the early 1900s, have been in decline. In
the 1990s, there was a decline of Filipino population in the older,
poorer enclaves and a shift towards the "economically better"
residential areas such as Glendale and Cerritos. A few factors can be
attributed to this shift in population from these enclaves to the
surrounding regions. The first factor is an improved economic status
for the Filipinos within the Southern California region. Compared to
the Filipinos who resided in Los Angeles in the early 1900s, many of
whom assumed only menial positions, the Filipinos who live in America
today are more educated and financially stable. The residents of the
older enclaves like the Temple-Alvarado area have moved into "more
attractive neighborhoods" — including Silver Lake, Glendale and Eagle
Rock — where they were either able to rent or buy homes.
Just
last year, there was a move to rename a portion of Eagle Rock as
Philippine Village. Such a move, however, spurred a lot of controversy
within the area. In November of 2002, a community meeting was held
regarding the movement for an official city designation of Philippine
Village. At the meeting several residents of Eagle Rock thought that a
second city designation would only be divisive to the Eagle Rock
community and to the Filipino community that already had an area
officially designated as Historic Filipinotown.
Neighborhood
development, or the lack thereof, is the second factor of the shift in
Filipino population. The decline of Filipinos near the Long Beach area
can be attributed to the closure of the Long Beach Naval Shipyard and
other the nearby naval facilities in the 1990s. Many Filipino residents
of West Long Beach simply had to relocate a few miles north to the City
of Carson, in which a sizable and very active Filipino community
resides in, to improve their situation. With regards to the
Temple-Alvarado area, the economic and public safety decline of that
district became a concern for affluent Filipino immigrants who didn’t
want the area to be identified as "Filipino Town." Perhaps, it was with
that same concern that prompted Filipino community leaders in the area
to name it "Historic Filipinotown" last year.
An increase of
Filipinos in the San Fernando Valley, particularly in Panorama City, in
the past few decades, can be credited to the Kaiser Hospital in that
city, in which many Filipinas (female Filipinos) residing in the valley
are employed as nurses. A similar pattern can be seen where many
Filipino health care professionals gravitate towards the large
hospitals in the greater Los Angeles area — Kaiser Hospital Hollywood,
Children’s Hospital, Hollywood Presbyterian and Loma Linda University
Medical Center. This is due to the fact that a good number of the
Filipinos employed in Los Angeles have professional medical
backgrounds. According to The Ethnic Quilt, the Filipino’s "strongest
niche occurs among clinical laboratory technicians, where Filipino men
and women constitute one-sixth of all such workers in Southern
California."
The third and final factor in the dispersal of
Filipinos from the more traditional enclaves is education. Since
Filipinos were schooled in English in the Philippines, many of the
immigrants from the Philippines were well versed in the English
language and had little problem assimilating into mainstream America.
"The majority of Filipinos in Southern California do not live in ethnic
enclaves. Partly because most Filipino immigrants enter with advanced
English-language skills and earn the incomes of professionals, most
have less need to settle in enclaves. The result is that Filipinos are
neighbors of Southern Californians in a wide range of suburban areas"
(Allen 37).
Integration Into Multiethnic Asian Communities
Through
the decades, Filipino enclaves, which were once "socially distinct,"
have become interconnected. The distinction between the enclaves is due
to the fact that some of these enclaves can be associated with
different generations of Filipinos who immigrated to the United States
at different points in history — pre-world war era, post-World War II,
post-1965. The distinction, however, has diminished since the 1980s
through the preservation of "personal ties in the Philippines" and an
increase in mobility. The result has furthered the dispersal of
Filipinos into newer suburbs and multiethnic Asian communities.
In
the past few decades, the assimilation of Filipinos into the Southern
California region has increased. Though Filipinos naturally gravitated
toward enclaves in the middle of the 1900s, several factors — economic,
city development and education — led to the decline of the Filipino
population within the same enclaves and diffusion to the surrounding
areas and suburbs. An increase in mobility and continued communication
with relatives and associates in the Philippines, however, has
interconnected the various Filipino clusters and populations even as
they have scattered throughout the greater Los Angeles area.